{"id":12282,"date":"2024-12-09T12:10:25","date_gmt":"2024-12-09T11:10:25","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2024-12-09T18:25:06","modified_gmt":"2024-12-09T17:25:06","slug":"ii-bosnia-and-herzegovina-as-a-protectorate","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/ustavbih.ba\/en\/article-vi-constitutional-court-of-bosnia-and-herzegovina\/d-jurisdiction-article-vi-3\/appeal-i-e-constitutional-review-article-vi-3b-of-the-bih-constitution-and-application-to-the-human-rights-chamber-article-viii-1-of-annex-6\/particularity-competence-to-review-international-interventions\/legal-acts-of-the-high-representative-annex-10-of-gfap\/ii-bosnia-and-herzegovina-as-a-protectorate\/","title":{"rendered":"ii. Bosnia and Herzegovina as a protectorate?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Due to the strong international presence in the constitutional system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, this country is openly referred to as a \u201cprotectorate\u201d,3355 <\/sup><\/span>or \u2013 after making this expression relative, which is politically more correct \u2013 it is called a \u201cde facto\u201d3356 <\/sup><\/span>or as a \u201csubsidiary de facto-protectorate\u201d,3357 <\/sup><\/span>or a \u201cquasi\u201d3358 <\/sup><\/span>or \u201csemi- protectorate\u201d3359 <\/sup><\/span>of the international community. According to the usual definition, the notion of \u201cprotectorate\u201d cannot be applied to Bosnia and Herzegovina for three reasons: first, the international administrator is not a single state but the \u201cinternational community\u201d. Secondly, unlike the conventional protectorate, the foreign affairs of BiH are in the hands of domestic State authorities and numerous internal affairs are under the control of an external administrator. Therefore, it seems that it is more appropriate to compare the situation in BiH with the modern concept of trusteeship within the meaning of the UN Charter.3360 <\/sup><\/span>Finally, Article I.1, in conjunction with line 6 of the Preamble of the BiH Constitution, defines Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign state. Furthermore, apart from the individual cases of power sharing among international members in domestic organisations, there are no other elements in the BiH Constitution indicating that the country has waived its sovereignty.<\/p>\n

After the initial decisive measures, the seemingly unlimited authorities of the High Representative have been immediately questioned, not only by the affected persons, but also by some political opinions and international observers. Hayden3361 <\/sup><\/span>formulates this authority in a very provocative manner: \u201cThe method selected by the HR to promote \u2018democracy\u2019 in Bosnia is to create a dictatorship of virtue. Ironically, the course chosen by the HR seems most similar to that of the communist regimes of the former Yugoslavia, a coincidence that may bode ill for the future of Bosnia\u201d.3362 <\/sup><\/span>Yet, an open and public debate about the High Representative actually started as a reaction to the previously mentioned fierce criticism in an article which was published in the \u201cJournal of Democracy\u201d. In the \u201cTravails of the European Raj\u201d it is stated that there is \u201can astonishing similarity between the rule of the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina and good-natured despots from the time of British liberal colonialism in India in the 19th <\/sup><\/span>century.\u201d3363 <\/sup><\/span>In this context, the High Representative pointed to two essential differences: firstly, the international community gains no profit from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since as early as 1995 the international community has been investing its funds into the country\u2019s reconstruction and around 17 billion US dollars have been invested so far; secondly, his mandate is based on the Dayton Agreement, which means on the agreement of the Parties involved in the BiH conflict. Moreover, the possibility for time-limited interventions is still required.3364 <\/sup><\/span>There are different views about this issue in Bosnia and Herzegovina depending on the ethnic affiliation of the observer. Whilst the Bosnian Serbs3365 <\/sup><\/span>would rather give up further intervention, Bosniaks are of the opinion that the High Representative does not use his authorities sufficiently.3366 <\/sup><\/span>Some observers have expressed their concerns that the debate about the High Representative\u2019s mandate (which is, indeed, often conducted based on unfounded knowledge of the situation in BiH3367<\/sup><\/span>) is misused for the purpose of undermining and weakening the reputation of the High Representative.3368 <\/sup><\/span>In the meantime, the analysts have confirmed the seemingly paradoxical presumption that a temporary strengthening of interventionism is required for the purpose of withdrawing the international forces from BiH as soon as possible.3369<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n

During the mandate of Lord Ashdown, the international community introduced a completely new component into the strategy of peace agreement implementation: the long-term target being the integration of the country into the European Union and the mid-term target is the entry of the country into the transatlantic security framework. Thus, in the 2004 Mission Implementation Plan (MIP),3370 <\/sup><\/span>the High Representative defined his major goal, stating that it is necessary \u201cto ensure that Bosnia and Herzegovina is a peaceful, viable state on course to European integration\u201d. The MIP set out six core tasks and a series of lower level programmes aimed at accelerating the development of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (with EU), which includes the following goals: entrenching the rule of law, ensuring that extreme nationalists, war criminals, and their organised criminal networks cannot reverse peace implementation; reforming the economy; strengthening the capacity of BiH\u2019s governing institutions, especially at the State-level; establishing State-level civilian command and control over the armed forces, reform the security sector and pave the way for integration into the Euro-Atlantic framework; promoting the sustainable return of refugees and displaced persons.3371<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n

As described above, the change has occurred both in the political discussions and in the settling of accounts between the High Representative and his opponents in the country. The reforms were no longer carried out under the slogan \u201cimplementation of peace agreement\u201d, but they have rather become a necessary requirement on the way to Europe and Transatlantic Alliance. The interconnecting of the peace implementation with this form of integration objectives does not arise from the text of the peace agreement. This interconnection indicated that the High Representative, at the end of his mandate, was moving in a \u201cgrey zone\u201d in which the legality and legitimacy of his rule were brought into question because, according to his own statements, he was no longer undertaking important measures for the purpose of peace implementation only, but those decisions were also issued for the purpose of the country\u2019s integration. However, those measures are in violation of the constitutional rights and constitutional principles, for the sake of which the international community was engaged in Bosnia and Herzegovina.3372 <\/sup><\/span>We must agree with the opinion of International Community, which is a stakeholder or perhaps a leader of this policy, that the permanent peace in a country or region is possible only through an integration process leading to EU and NATO membership. The peace that would be achieved in Bosnia and Herzegovina through the integration process would also mean a continuation of the success achieved by the previous European integration processes performing similar tasks.3373<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Due to the strong international presence in the constitutional system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, this country is openly referred to as a \u201cprotectorate\u201d,3355 or \u2013 after making this expression relative, which is politically more correct \u2013 it is called a \u201cde facto\u201d3356 or as a \u201csubsidiary de facto-protectorate\u201d,3357 or a \u201cquasi\u201d3358 or \u201csemi- protectorate\u201d3359 of … Read more<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":12280,"menu_order":1,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-12282","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"yoast_head":"\nii. 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